Posts Tagged ‘Environment’





Underground Dreams: Beer, Hugs and Weddings

By MATTHEW MOFFETT


SAN JOSÉ MINE, Chile—Claudio Yáñez wants beer and a hot dog. Esteban Rojas wants to finally have a real church wedding with his wife of 25 years. Raúl Bustos wants to hug his five-year-old daughter.



For Chileans, these men and their colleagues are known simply as “Los 33″—the 33 miners who have been trapped half a mile below ground since the Aug. 5 collapse of the San José mine. The men have captured the attention of the world by surviving longer underground than all but a handful of mine accident victims.

The Miracle of the San Jose Mine

Zuma Press


Ranging in age from 19 to 63, they include a former professional soccer player, a Bolivian immigrant in his first week at the mine, a salty former seaman who had premonitions about an accident and a man in his 50s who is still waiting to see the grandson born just before the cave-in occurred.

What Chileans are calling the “Miracle of the San José Mine” is the tale of how unthinkable adversity turned this motley collection of miners into a doggedly disciplined unit, how a recently elected billionaire president risked his reputation in spearheading their rescue and how family members never lost hope.

The story isn’t by any means over. It will take three to four months for a 30-ton drill to gouge a 2,200-foot tunnel down to the chamber where the men are holed up. The plan is to hoist the men out one-by-one, a journey that could take about 40 minutes for each miner.

Footage released showing trapped Chilean miners in good spirits, as they come to terms with their months long wait to be freed.
In the meantime, rescuers send food, water and letters to the miners in tubes that whoosh down the four-inch shaft that serves as the miners’ umbilical cord. Doctors are gradually ratcheting up the caloric intake of the men who each lost an average 20 pounds on rations, according to health workers. On Thursday the miners got their closest thing to a full meal in weeks: stewed apples and bread with quince jelly.

In a video released Thursday, the men—shirtless, scrawny, with scraggly beards, but big smiles—showed the world their temporary home. “This is the famous shelter,” said one of the men. They pointed to a makeshift “casino,” where they played dominoes, and demonstrated how they had divided tasks needed to keep the refuge running. One miner was keeping a journal on all that had happened. “Get us out of here soon,” said another, in the spectral lantern-light of the mine.

The men can walk a distance through some unblocked tunnels, but spend most of their time in a couple of shelters that are relatively well ventilated and protected from cave-ins.

Physiologically and psychologically, the miners have entered seldom-explored territory, says Jeff Dyche, a James Madison University psychologist, who studied submariners when he served in the U.S. Navy.

Without sunlight serving as a regulator, the human body clock runs about 24 and a half hours, Mr. Dyche says, which means the miners are “going to be completely disengaged from what time it is in the outside world.” To make sure the miners are alert on the day of the rescue, he says, doctors will have to try and re-sync the men’s body rhythms by putting them on the same sleeping and waking schedule as people above ground.

Rescue planners at the state copper company, Corporacion Nacional del Cobre, have been discussing whether it would be necessary to blindfold the miners during the extraction or or conduct the operation at night, so they aren’t overwhelmed by the light when they come out.

More immediately, government rescuers are grappling with the question of how much control to place on the miners’ communication with loved ones. Earlier this week, family members said government psychologists had asked to review the letters they send down to the miners to make sure they avoided potentially upsetting issues, such as the fact the men may not be getting out of the ground until Christmas. Luciano Reygada, whose father is in the mine, said a psychologist told him, “Don’t say that we hope you come out soon. Just say that we’ll be waiting for you when you come out.” Rescuers have since said they gently told the 33 of their estimated time of departure, and the miners seemed to take it in stride.


Sergio Donoso, the uncle of Raúl Bustos, feels responsible for his nephew’s predicament. Six months ago, after one of the biggest earthquakes in a century along with a roiling tsunami smashed the southern shipyard where Mr. Bustos worked, Mr. Donoso suggested he travel north, to the mines. “He was worried about future catastrophes, so I told him there were stable jobs in mining,” said Mr. Donoso, who has been keeping vigil above the mine.

Miners trapped underground for three weeks in Chile are offered unusual help from the space agency NASA as they prepare to endure further weeks below ground. Video Courtesy of Reuters.

Mr. Bustos’ mother, Rosa Ibañez, came to the mine right away from her home in far-off southern Chile. It was the first time she’d flown on a plane. In Mr. Bustos’ first letter to his family this week, he said that he’d come up with a nickname for the diamond-tipped drill that rescuers had used to locate the men’s underground shelter: He called it “María Paz,” in honor of his five-year-old daughter, who relatives say is a handful.

Gregory Belenky, director of the Sleep and Performance Research Center at Washington State University, says the Israeli military found during the 1973 Yom Kippur war that the wrong kind of communication with family could add to stress. But Mr. Belenky, who served 29 years in the U.S. Army working on combat stress and other issues, thinks he would level with the miners about the rescue strategy “so they can plan, adjust expectations and so everyone is on the same page.”



The plight of the 33 men has been an eye opener for many Chileans. One of Latin America’s most advanced economies, Chile has been a darling on Wall Street for its free-market ethos. Its capital, Santiago, is clean and modern, with a scaled-down version of the Chrysler Building. But despite the emergence of other industries, including finance and construction, mining remains the bedrock of the economy, accounting for the biggest share of exports and output. The accident and rescue have allowed Chileans to get acquainted with people who are responsible for much of the country’s prosperity, but remain largely hidden from view due to the very nature of their work.


When the miners broke out into a ragged chorus of the national anthem after the first telephone contact was made with them on Monday, it was as “as though we couldn’t believe that some countrymen are still that way, of that caliber and that timber,” wrote Daniel Mansuy, a professor of political philosophy, in the Santiago newspaper La Tercera. Family members holding vigil above the mine said it more simply on a message emblazoned in marker on a Chilean flag: “Chile without miners isn’t Chile.”


The miners had no way of knowing what was in store for them when they showed up for their shift that fateful Thursday, Aug. 5. Like many of the miners, Mr. Yañez, who had worked eight months in the mine after leaving a low-paying construction job, “was just desperate for a paycheck” says his half-brother Pablo Lagos.


Twenty-four-year-old Bolivian Carlos Mamani, who emigrated to Chile to find work, was only in his first week at the mine, his brother Cesar Mamani told Chilean television.
While Chile on the whole has a good mining safety record, smaller to mid-sized mines like San José often escaped scrutiny by the understaffed mine regulator, according to unions and workplace-safety experts. After the accident, Chile President Sebastián Piñera cleaned house at the regulatory agency and announced the government would take a tougher line in the future.

The 121-year-old mine, operated by Chile’s Compañia Minera San Esteban Primera, had been shut down for about a year by regulators in 2007 after an explosion killed a miner. Mario Gomez, a former sailor who at 63 is the oldest of the trapped San José miners, had a nephew who lost a leg in an accident at the mine several years before that. Mr. Gomez’s wife, Lilian Ramirez, said her husband told her he was afraid of going to work not long before the collapse.


The collapse occurred at around at around 2 p.m., sending up a massive dust cloud. “We felt like the mountain was coming down on top of us and without knowing what was happening,” Luis Urzua, one of the leaders of the trapped men, would later say in a phone hookup with Mr. Piñera. “Then came the dust cloud, like four or five hours in which we couldn’t see anything.” The men lost a chance to escape through a ventilation duct in the first days of the crisis because mine managers hadn’t installed an emergency ladder, as required by law, Chile’s mining minister, Laurence Golborne said.
Firemen weren’t alerted of the accident by the mine managers until about six hours after it had occurred. The delay in reporting the collapse is part of a wide-ranging investigation into the mine by regulators and Chile’s Congress. Minera San Esteban Primera’s owners have said they tried to run a safe operation. They didn’t respond to requests for comment for this story.
The day after the cave-in, civil defense officials had mustered a 40-man rescue crew to go in after the missing miners. But the mission nearly wrought another tragedy, as the rescuers confronted a cascade of falling rock and buckling walls. “Rocks, dust, darkness, heat,” said fire captain Rafael Gonzalez Perez. “It was impossible.”
The mine collapse presented a challenge for President Piñera, a billionaire airline and television mogul, who took office in March. Chile’s first conservative president in two decades, Mr. Piñera has promised to run Chile as efficiently as he had his businesses. In a gamble that might have backfired if the rescue had failed, he cut short a trip to Colombia to go to the mine and has made three follow-up trips since. “It was a big bet but also a very important one at the core of his political message” of competence, said political scientist Patricio Navia.
Unable to send in rescuers to fetch the miners, the government shifted to Plan B: Drilling down from the surface after the trapped men.
But after a couple of days, the effort was looking like a geological shot in the dark. Engineers were finding the maps of mine weren’t accurate. “The situation is very complex,” President Piñera said at the time. “The mine continues collapsing. It has a geologic fault. The mine is alive and that enormously obstructs rescue work.”

Families at the site started hunkering down for a long haul, putting up tents or crude lean-tos made of garbage bags stretched above poles. Dubbed Campamento Esperanza, Camp Hope, the place took on a somewhat surreal air. The government started trucking in water and food, as well as sending counselors, cooks and kindergarten teachers. Shrines with votive candles and statues of baby-faced Saint Lorenzo, the patron saint of miners who is often decked out in a hard hat, sprang up alongside television satellite trucks and portalets. Other iconic figures were called on for luck. Relatives of 34-year old Edison Pena put the miner’s picture on a placard along with Elvis Presley, assuring him that “you will be bigger than Elvis” after emerging from the mine.
Below ground the 33 miners were also getting organized. Mr. Urzúa, a soccer coach in his spare time, was one of the leaders. He oversaw the rationing of their food stores, so that miners could have a couple of mouthfuls of tuna, along with a canned peach and some milk every 48 hours. But after two weeks the miners had almost exhausted their provisions, Mr. Urzúa said.


Worry also spread through the camp full of families. Ana Funes, a social worker from a nearby town, organized art classes for children as a diversion. But some kids’ anxieties consumed them, says Ms. Funes. On a bulletin board, along with crayon drawings of Spiderman and a fairy princess, was a self-portrait of a pig-tailed girl with tears streaming down her cheeks. “I love you, cousin,” was the caption.

By the end of last week, a number of the families were losing faith in the government drilling strategy. They pressed Mr. Piñera’s rescue team to let 10 volunteers into the bowels of the mine to bring out their loved ones. Government officials said that was foolhardy.

“We have done and will continue doing what’s humanly possible,” President Piñera said. “But not everything is in the hands of our engineers and technicians. It’s also in the hands of God.”

A little after 6 a.m. last Sunday the probe broke through an underground chamber, a short distance from the miners’ main shelter. The 28-year-old drill operator, Eduardo Guerra, thought he felt some vibrations coming from below. Some engineers came over with stethoscopes and said they heard something, too. When Mr. Guerra pulled the probe out of the ground, a plastic bag had been attached to the drill tip with cable and rubber bands.

Inside the bag was a note painted in red: “We are well in the shelter the 33.”

Write to Matthew Moffett at matthew.moffett@wsj.comCopyright 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved

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In Chile, Trapped Miners Dig in for the Long Haul – WSJ.com


>

August 15, 2010

Environment and Business Clash in Saint-Tropez

PARIS — Of all the places to part with fistfuls of money in St.-Tropez, few have more cachet than Le Club 55.
Perched on the white stretches of Pampelonne, one of the Côte d’Azur’s most stunning beaches, Le Club offers a private patch of sand where habitués can pay around $255 a day to rent a couple of lounge chairs with an umbrella and enjoy a light lunch — not including wine.
But that traditional St.-Tropez luxury is in danger of being upended there, and at 27 other clubs and restaurants that have catered for decades to famous Côte d’Azur visitors from Brigitte Bardot to Paris Hilton.
The mayor’s office says the establishments pose a threat to the environment. Officials have proposed dismantling existing beach amenities and shrinking the area allotted for private beaches to protect delicate flora and what officials say are dunes worn down by the crush of manicured feet. As a result, despite the August atmosphere of hedonism, an unusual air of rebellion is stirring in St.-Tropez, with businesses contemplating their first ever “strike.”
“It’s completely stupid — everybody thinks so,” said Patrice de Colmont, the owner of Le Club 55 and a leader of the local fight against the government’s plans.
“If we said buildings in Paris couldn’t be above a certain height you wouldn’t cut off the top of the Eiffel Tower,” Mr. de Colmont said. “Well, this is the Eiffel Tower of the French Riviera.”
The mayor is seeking a compromise, but has not backed down. The town hall at Ramatuelle, where Pampelonne is situated, is planning to open its doors, starting Monday, to receive comments from the public.
“We all want to be here for the long term,” said Guy Martin, the chief of staff for Mayor Roland Bruno. “That’s why we need to make sure there’s a sustainable equilibrium between the environment and the community.”
Like much in France, though, the dispute is not so simple. Opponents of the move claim that it is really an effort to clear the way for big, well-connected companies to move in on the local businesses’ turf. Officials respond that the ruckus being raised by Mr. de Colmont and his colleagues is mostly in defense of their own form of crass commercialism.
French law prohibits private development on public beaches. But decades ago, residents built on Pampelonne by obtaining renewable one-year permits that allowed them to offer “public services,” like Jet Ski rentals and lifeguards, if the construction was dismantled when the contract expired.
If applying annually for permits was a nuisance, it at least protected small business owners, since no large company was willing to put up with the risk of losing a substantial investment, said Carole Balligand, the chairwoman of Save Pampelonne, a group that represents the local businesses that are in danger.
From the government’s perspective, however, all the activity stemming from the permits has hastened the erosion of an important dune on Pampelonne filled with rare native plant species. In 1986, the French Parliament passed a law to restore the area. Four years ago it ordered those in the area to strike a better balance between the environment and commercial activity.
Under the government’s plan, the commercial operators would be allowed on 20 percent of the beach rather than 30 percent, meaning their plots would be reduced to 23 from 28. As for the dune, it would be cordoned off to let nature do its work.
Local people are upset at another proposal, to require commercial beach activities to end on Sept. 1 every year — still the high season — rather than sometime in October, and to allow new businesses that build behind the restored dune 10-year operating permits. That, they suspect, is less about protecting the environment than attracting mass vacation companies with deep pockets, like Club Med.
What is more, Mrs. Balligand’s group, after digging up photos from the Allied landing on Pampelonne beach in August 1944, contends that no large dune ever existed. She accuses the government of using environmental arguments as an excuse to bring in bigger businesses.
In summer, about 20,000 people frolic on Pampelonne beach every day. While Paris and Nicky Hilton, Tina Turner, Bono and a constellation of other stars frequent its playground, so have a number of international artists, intellectuals and politicians. Many mix with the coterie of low-key, wealthy local residents whose families were here well before Ms. Bardot put Pampelonne on the map in the 1956 French film “And God Created Woman.”
Before Ms. Bardot, St.-Tropez was more like the Saint-Germain des Prés quarter of 1920s Paris. It was an eclectic beach town that drew few rich people. These days, “the gulf of St.-Tropez is covered with yachts, pretty much all of which are registered in tax havens,” Mr. Martin said.
The prospect of losing those clients and their free-flowing cash has Mr. de Colmont alarmed. His private beach plot is small, but it has been the stuff of legend ever since Ms. Bardot and the director Roger Vadim came during filming to seek food at what was then an outdoor dining table set up by Mr. de Colmont’s father for his family.
Last Thursday, Mr. de Colmont called off his planned one-day strike, he said, after the mayor’s office gathered him and other residents to discuss the matter “more reasonably.” But he is not ruling out a shutdown if the government digs in.
As he presses his fight, Mr. de Colmont will have at least one heavy hitter at his side. “Joan Collins left me a message the other day to ask what she could do to support me,” he said. “She has proposed to come give her point of view” to the mayor.
Such celebrities, of course, attract plenty of gawkers. Mr. de Colmont wants to be sure that the riffraff doesn’t get out of control, scaring the big spenders away. On a recent day, he said, 300 clients paid to use the amenities on Le Club 55’s plot, while only 100 people sat on the larger public beach next to his. “I would prefer,” he said, “not to have Club Med people crowding out those who are already here.”

Environment and Business Clash in Saint-Tropez – NYTimes.com


Top five bottlenecks in the Gulf oil spill response

Local officials complain about lack of urgency in the federal Gulf oil spill response. Here are five reasons that the government seems to be dragging its heels.

Temp Headline Image
Workers skim a large patch of weathered oil by hand near the boat ramp at Ken Combs Pier in Gulfport, Miss. The Gulf oil spill became the largest ever in the Gulf of Mexico on Thursday, based on the highest of the federal government’s estimates.
(Amanda McCoy/The Sun Herald/AP)

By Patrik Jonsson, Staff writer
posted July 1, 2010 at 7:46 pm EDT
Atlanta —
With each oily wave hitting marshes and beaches from the Gulf oil spill, desperation grows along the already stained Gulf Coast.
In part, the magnitude of the spill has simply overwhelmed the ability of the White House and BP to completely contain it. But it is clear that bureaucratic red tape – echoing the post-Katrina federal response five years ago – has bogged down clean-up efforts as a host of agencies – OSHA, EPA, Coast Guard, Army Corps of Engineers and others – weigh in on most decisions.
Meanwhile, as November elections approach, the oil spill has a political dimension as both parties begin to use the massive oil slick from the Deepwater Horizon accident to bolster their prospects. Democrats will point out Republican ties to Big Oil, and Republicans will chide what they’ll call a lackadaiscal response by the White House.
IN PICTURES: The Gulf oil spill’s impact on nature
If the Macondo well is capped, oil cleanup is ramped up, and no hurricanes hit the slick, the oil spill crisis is likely to eventually abate. But the impression many Gulf Coast residents have so far is of a Keystone Kops response, where mundane regulations and misplaced priorities stand in the way of protecting local livelihoods and the Gulf’s natural environment.
“The cleanup effort is drowning in the proverbial sea of red tape,” writes Gulf Coast native Winston Groom, the author of “Forrest Gump,” in the Weekly Standard.
Here are the top five bottlenecks impeding the Gulf oil spill cleanup so far:
Enough life vests? The Coast Guard has not eased any of its safety regulations and will likely continue to refuse to do so. A Louisiana effort involving 16 oil-sucking barges was shut down for nearly a day on June 18 by the Coast Guard, which wanted to make sure there were enough life vests and fire extinguishers on board.
“The Coast Guard is not going to compromise safety … that’s our No. 1 priority,” Coast Guard spokesman Robert Brassel told The Daily Caller. Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal called it “frustrating.”
The Jones Act. It’s unclear to what extent the Jones Act, a 1920 protectionist law that mandates only US vessels and crews operate within the US three-mile maritime border, has really affected the ability to move foreign oil skimmers into the spill theater.
At issue in the law is both availability and proximity of US based skimming vessels. Several nations have said their offers of help have been rebuffed at least in part by US officials citing the Jones Act. This week, Obama sent out a call for more nations to join the clean-up response, but the President has not publicly addressed the legal and practical issues around US law and the foreign fleets ready to help.
“We want all the skimming vessels in the world deployed,” Plaquemines Parish President Billy Nungesser tells the Times-Picayune newspaper in New Orleans.
(Factcheck.org says, “In reality, the Jones Act has yet to be an issue in the response efforts…. So far, offers from six foreign countries or entities have been accepted and only one offer has been rejected. Fifteen foreign-flag vessels are working on the cleanup, and none required a waiver.”)
EPA says no, then yes. Three days after the accident, the Dutch government offered advanced skimming equipment capable of sucking up oiled water, separating out most of the oil, and returning the cleaner water to the Gulf. But citing discharge regulations that demand that 99.9985 percent of the returned water is oil-free, the EPA initially turned down the offer. A month into the crisis, the EPA backed off those regulations, and the Dutch equipment was airlifted to the Gulf.
‘Ever hear of Radio Shack?’ In a recent fly-over of a spill area near Perdido Bay, BP official Doug Suttles expressed amazement that spotter plane pilots couldn’t communicate directly with skimming boats on the surface to direct them to oil patches. “We need to get the skimmers to the oil,” Suttles said. Local officials in Escambia County, Fla., have been asking for weeks for plane-to-ship communications, to little avail.
“Haven’t they ever heard of Radio Shack?” writes Mr. Groom.
Who’s in charge here? President Obama has said “the buck stops” with him. But the actual incident response command structure is a Gordian Knot for local officials requesting help and resources. Frustrated by red tape, some officials have been warned they’ll be arrested if they take matters into their own hands. The lack of a clear command structure has hampered the ability to move resources like booms and skimmers quickly, especially in a still-growing spill that’s at the whim of the Gulf’s ever-changing tides, currents and winds.
While most of the criticism has been heaped on federal agencies and the Obama administration, questions are being raised about the extent to which the four Gulf state governors (all Republicans) are responding too – specifically, on deployment of National Guard troops under their command.
In a recent investigative report, CBS News found that Louisiana’s Gov. Jindal had deployed just 1,053 of the 6,000 troops available to him. “Alabama has deployed 432 troops of 3,000 available,” according to CBS. “Even fewer have been deployed in Florida – 97 troops out of 2,500 – and Mississippi – 58 troops out of 6,000.”
Jindal told CBS that the White House had instructed state officials that “Coast Guard and BP had to authorize individual tasks” for National Guard units.
But Coast Guard Adm. Thad Allen, the national incident commander in charge of the government’s response to the spill, disputed that. “There is nothing standing in the governor’s way from utilizing more National Guard troops,” Allen told CBS.
“Whether it’s simple confusion or the infusion of politics into the spill, the fact remains thousands of helping hands remain waiting to be used,” concluded CBS.
IN PICTURES: The Gulf oil spill’s impact on nature
Related:
Gulf oil spill: The story so far
Jones Act: Maritime politics strain Gulf oil spill cleanup
After Gulf swimmers report illness, questions about opening a beach

Top five bottlenecks in the Gulf oil spill response – CSMonitor.com


A lake of leaks reflects problems that stretch to the Orinoco

As the world watched BP battle with the devastating effects of the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, another problem with leaking crude nearby has managed to escape much attention.

Venezuela’s state oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), has been trying to play down a chronic problem of leakages from thousands of miles of pipelines that criss-cross Lake Maracaibo, a large brackish lake connected to the Caribbean.

Critics argue that the extensive oil slicks that have appeared on the lake in recent months are a direct result of PDVSA’s negligence since the expropriation last year of 76 oil service companies that worked on the lake. Mismanagement, a problem that has tainted the economic performance of President Hugo Chávez’s government as a whole, has had a disastrous impact on Venezuela’s oil output over the last few years and is likely to hobble production for years to come.

The US Energy Information Administration estimates that Venezuela’s crude oil production averaged 2.2m barrels a day in 2009, about 190,000 b/d lower than in 2008 and down from 3.2m b/d in 1997, before Mr Chávez came to power.

PDVSA, which disputes those numbers, has made a concerted drive to attract foreign investment into the oil-rich Orinoco Belt in order to boost production. In February it signed contracts with foreign oil companies for projects that could add 2.1m b/d to output and bring some $80bn (£51bn, €61bn) in investment from Chinese and Russian companies as well as majors such as Italy’s ENI, Chevron of the US and Spain’s Repsol.

Although this represented a vote of confidence in Venezuela just three years after a wave of nationalisations in the Orinoco, experts estimate that it could take at least three or four years for sagging output to recover. Efficient co-ordination of the projects, technical requirements and capital commitments are all barriers.

One of the pitfalls is whether PDVSA, which is keeping a 60 per cent stake in the projects, allows its minority partners a fair degree of operational control. Given its own patchy management record, experts argue that PDVSA must allow partners to become more integral players in its joint ventures. PDVSA’s partners are not involved in the sale of their output, for which PDVSA instead compensates them at the end of each year. Companies privately complain that PDVSA is not paying them enough to cover running costs and reinvest in expanding production.

With oil revenues providing about half of government expenditure, Mr Chávez may still face several lean years ahead.

FT.com

________________________

The MasterBlog


The evidence keeps mounting against BP in the Macondo well explosion. The
post below is long but thorough!

Compiled by Washington’s Blog <http://www.washingtonsblog.com/> from the NY
Times, Bloomberg, LA Times, and the Times of London.

The New York Times noted
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/22/us/22transocean.html?pagewanted=2&_r=1&hp
> yesterday:
Even though it was more than a month before the explosion, the [Deepwater
Horizon] rig’s safety audit was conducted against the backdrop of what seems
to have been a losing battle to control the well.
On the March visit, Lloyd’s investigators reported “a high degree of focus
and activity relating to well control issues,” adding that “specialists were
aboard the rig to conduct subsea explosions to help alleviate these well
control issues.”
As I pointed out
<http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2010/06/did-bp-oil-well-blow-out-in-february
.html
> last month:
The Deepwater Horizon blew up on April 20th, and sank a couple of days
later. BP has been criticized for failing to report on the seriousness of
the blow out for several weeks.
However, as a whistleblower previously told
<http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/05/16/60minutes/main6490197.shtml> 60
Minutes, there was an accident at the rig a month or more prior to the April
20th explosion:
[Mike Williams, the chief electronics technician on the Deepwater Horizon,
and one of the last workers to leave the doomed rig] … says going faster
caused the bottom of the well to split open, swallowing tools and that
drilling fluid called “mud.”
“We actually got stuck. And we got stuck so bad we had to send tools down
into the drill pipe and sever the pipe,” Williams explained.
That well was abandoned and Deepwater Horizon had to drill a new route to
the oil. It cost BP more than two weeks and millions of dollars.
As Bloomberg reports
<http://preview.bloomberg.com/news/2010-06-17/bp-struggled-with-cracks-in-gu
lf-well-as-early-as-february-documents-show.html
> today, problems at the
well actually started in February:
BP Plc was struggling to seal cracks in its Macondo well as far back as
February, more than two months before an explosion killed 11 and spewed oil
into the Gulf of Mexico.
It took 10 days to plug the first cracks, according to reports BP filed with
the Minerals Management Service that were later delivered to congressional
investigators. Cracks in the surrounding rock continued to complicate the
drilling operation during the ensuing weeks. Left unsealed, they can allow
explosive natural gas to rush up the shaft.
“Once they realized they had oil down there, all the decisions they made
were designed to get that oil at the lowest cost,” said Peter Galvin of the
Center for Biological Diversity, which has been working with congressional
investigators probing the disaster. “It’s been a doomed voyage from the
beginning.”
***
On Feb. 13, BP told the minerals service it was trying to seal cracks in the
well about 40 miles (64 kilometers) off the Louisiana coast, drilling
documents obtained by Bloomberg show. Investigators are still trying to
determine whether the fissures played a role in the disaster.
***
The company attempted a “cement squeeze,” which involves pumping cement to
seal the fissures, according to a well activity report. Over the following
week the company made repeated attempts to plug cracks that were draining
expensive drilling fluid, known as “mud,” into the surrounding rocks.
BP used three different substances to plug the holes before succeeding, the
documents show.
“Most of the time you do a squeeze and then let it dry and you’re done,”
said John Wang, an assistant professor of petroleum and natural gas
engineering at Penn State in University Park, Pennsylvania. “It dries within
a few hours.”
Repeated squeeze attempts are unusual and may indicate rig workers are using
the wrong kind of cement, Wang said.
In other words, the well started losing integrity in February, and may have
never been permanently stabilized. If cracks in the well were never properly
sealed, then the well may have been unstable starting in February and
continuing until the April 20 explosion. (There is substantial evidence
<http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2010/06/evidence-points-to-destruction-benea
th.html
> that there are cracks in the well now.)
Bloomberg continues:
In early March, BP told the minerals agency the company was having trouble
maintaining control of surging natural gas, according to e-mails released
May 30 by the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which is investigating
the spill.
***
While gas surges are common in oil drilling, companies have abandoned wells
if they determine the risk is too high.
***
On March 10, BP executive Scherie Douglas e-mailed Frank Patton, the mineral
service’s drilling engineer for the New Orleans district, telling him: “We’
re in the midst of a well control situation.”
The incident was a “showstopper,” said Robert Bea, an engineering professor
at the University of California, Berkeley, who has consulted with the
Interior Department on offshore drilling safety. “They damn near blew up the
rig.”
And the wives of oil rig workers killed in the blast testified
<http://www.associatedcontent.com/audio/18570/gulf_oil_spill_deepwater_horiz
on_rig.html?cat=3
> that their husbands reported that the rig had problems
controlling well pressure weeks before explosion.
In other words, not only is it possible that the well casing was somewhat
unstable for months before the blow out, but BP may have ignored standard
drilling practices by failing to abandon the well when the natural gas began
surging too violently.
Sure, the rig didn’t actually catch fire and sink until April, but cracks in
the well and dangerous natural gas surges may mean that BP never fully had
control of the well.
I’m not the only one asking such questions. It is worth re-reading the
following passage from the Bloomberg article quoted above:
On Feb. 13, BP told the minerals service it was trying to seal cracks in the
well … drilling documents obtained by Bloomberg show. Investigators are
still trying to determine whether the fissures played a role in the
disaster.
Damaged Blowout Preventer
Whether or not BP had lost control of the well earlier, it was confirmed
yesterday that BP had damaged its key piece of safety equipment – the
blowout preventer – earlier, yet kept drilling.
The Los Angeles Times reported
<http://www.localwireless.com/wap/news/text.jsp?sid=294&nid=16652134&cid=166
77&ith=4&title=Top+Stories%22
> Monday:
BP officials knew about a problem on a crucial well safety device at least
three months before the catastrophic April 20 explosion in the Gulf of
Mexico but failed to repair it, according to testimony Tuesday from the
company’s well manager.
Ronald Sepulvado testified that he was aware of a leak on a control pod atop
the well’s blowout preventer and notified his supervisor in Houston about
the problem, which Sepulvado didn’t consider crucial. The 450-ton hydraulic
device, designed to prevent gas or oil from blasting out of the drill hole,
failed during the disaster, which killed 11 men on the Deepwater Horizon rig
and set off the worst offshore oil spill in U.S. history.
Investigators said BP did not disclose the matter to the appropriate federal
agency and failed to suspend drilling operations until the problem was
resolved, as required by law.
The New York Times adds
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/22/us/22transocean.html?pagewanted=2&_r=1&hp
> the following details:
Federal investigators said Tuesday at a panel that continuing to drill
despite problems related to the blowout preventer might have been a
violation of federal regulations that require a work stoppage if the
equipment is found not to work properly.
While the equipment report says the device’s control panels were in fair
condition, it also cites a range of problems, including a leaking door seal,
a diaphragm on the purge air pump needing replacement and several
error-response messages.
The device’s annulars, which are large valves used to control wellbore
fluids, also encountered “extraordinary difficulties” surrounding their
maintenance, the report said.
And as I pointed out
<http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2010/05/despite-knowing-it-had-damaged-blowo
ut.html
> in May:
Several weeks before the Gulf oil explosion, a key piece of safety equipment
– the blowout preventer – was damaged.
As the Times of London reports
<http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article7128842.
ece> :
[Mike Williams, the chief electronics technician on the Deepwater Horizon,
and one of the last workers to leave the doomed rig] claimed that the
blowout preventer was then damaged when a crewman accidentally moved a
joystick, applying hundreds of thousands of pounds of force. Pieces of
rubber were found in the drilling fluid, which he said implied damage to a
crucial seal. But a supervisor declared the find to be “not a big deal”, Mr
Williams alleged.
UC Berkeley engineering professor Bob Bea told 60 Minutes that a damaged
blowout preventer not only may lead to a catastrophic accident like the Gulf
oil spill, but leads to inaccurate pressure readings, so that the well
operator doesn’t know the real situation, and cannot keep the rig safe.
There are many other examples of criminal negligence by BP, Halliburton and
Transocean as well. See
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/20/AR201007200
2038.html
> this,
<http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2010/05/bp-could-have-easily-contained-gulf-
oil.html
> this,
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19nocera.html?ref=business>
this,
<http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/news/bp-executives-could-face-15-y
ears-jail/story-e6frg90f-1225879591963
> this,
<http://www.associatedcontent.com/audio/18570/gulf_oil_spill_deepwater_horiz
on_rig.html?cat=3
> this,
<http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601103&sid=a9ElwiTMH4Tg> this,
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/05/20/bp-smoking-gun-oil-giant_n_583590.
html
> this,
<http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/environment/article7136969.ece> this,
<http://news.blogs.cnn.com/2010/05/25/report-bp-had-3-indications-of-trouble
-in-hour-before-blast/
> this,
<http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE64Q0SG20100527> this,
<http://motherjones.com/blue-marble/2010/06/rigs-fire-i-told-you-was-gonna-h
appen> this,
<http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601039&sid=awDwwghB5ZXg&?huffbloom
berg> this, <http://seminal.firedoglake.com/diary/49604> this,
<http://oilprice.com/Environment/Oil-Spills/9-Important-Points-about-the-BP-
Blowout-%E2%80%93-Part-1.html
> this,
<http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704717004575268302434395796.h
tml?mod=WSJ_hpp_sections_news
> this,
<http://www.cnn.com/2010/US/05/26/oil.spill.investigation/index.html?hpt=T1>
this,
<http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/05/26/94884/bp-could-be-held-criminally-lia
ble.html
> this,
<http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20100526/ap_on_bi_ge/us_gulf_oil_spill;_ylt=ArN0
sQOh44H9NooB0_6.k62s0NUE;_ylu=X3oDMTNobWswNzlsBGFzc2V0A2FwLzIwMTAwNTI2L3VzX2
d1bGZfb2lsX3NwaWxsBGNjb2RlA21vc3Rwb3B1bGFyBGNwb3MDMQRwb3MDMgRwdANob21lX2Nva2
UEc2VjA3luX3RvcF9zdG9yeQRzbGsDYnBiZWdpbnNub3Zl> this and
<http://www.businessinsider.com/deepwater-survivor-bp-transocean-haliburton-
were-gambling-with-our-lives-2010-5
> this.
<http://feeds.feedburner.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~4/r4XzCeXljVE>

View article…
<http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/r4XzCeXljVE/did-bp-keep-dr
illing-even-though-it-had-lost-control-oil-well-much-earlier-0
>


China Oil Spill PHOTOS: Official Warns Of ‘Severe Threat’

First Posted: 07-21-10 08:37 AM | Updated: 07-21-10 04:21 PM

(AP) BEIJING — China’s largest reported oil spill had more than doubled by Wednesday, closing beaches on the Yellow Sea and prompting an environmental official to warn the sticky black crude posed a “severe threat” to sea life and water quality.

Some workers trying to clean up the inky beaches wore little more than rubber gloves, complicating efforts, one official said. But 40 oil-control boats and hundreds of fishing boats were also deployed in the area.

“I’ve been to a few bays today and discovered they were almost entirely covered with dark oil,” said Zhong Yu, a worker with the environmental group Greenpeace China, who spent Wednesday on a boat inspecting the spill.

“The oil is half-solid and half liquid and is as sticky as asphalt,” she told The Associated Press.

The oil was spread over 165 square miles (430 square kilometers) of water five days since a pipeline at a busy northeastern port exploded. State media says no more oil is leaking into the sea, but the amount of oil spilled was not clear Wednesday. Based on the known figures, the spill is significantly dwarfed by the BP oil spill off the U.S. coast.

See photos of the spill and the explosion:

Greenpeace China released photos Wednesday of straw mats of about 2 square meters (21 square feet) in size scattered on the inky sea, meant to absorb the oil.

Zhong said it was still difficult for Greenpeace China to estimate the spill’s real size and the damage it is causing.

But one maritime official with the city of Dalian, where the port is located, was already warning of environmental dangers.

“The oil spill will pose a severe threat to marine animals, and water quality, and the sea birds,” Huang Yong, deputy bureau chief for the China Maritime Safety Administration in Dalian, told Dragon TV.

At least one person died in cleanup efforts. A 25-year-old firefighter, Zhang Liang, drowned Tuesday when a wave threw him from a vessel and pushed him out to sea, the state-run Xinhua News Agency reported. Another man who fell in was rescued.

Beaches near Dalian, once named China’s most livable city, were closing as oil started reaching their shores, Xinhua News Agency reported.

Officials at all levels were turning out on the beaches for cleanup, using sometimes makeshift equipment.

“We don’t have proper oil cleanup materials, so our workers are wearing rubber gloves and using chopsticks,” an official with the Jinshitan Golden Beach Administration Committee told the Beijing Youth Daily newspaper in apparent exasperation. “This kind of inefficiency means the oil will keep coming to shore. … This stretch of oil is really difficult to clean up in the short term.”

China Central Television earlier reported an estimate of 1,500 tons of oil has spilled. That would amount roughly to 400,000 gallons (1,500,000 liters) – as compared with 94 million to 184 million gallons in the BP oil spill off the U.S. coast.

State Oceanic Administration released the latest size of the contaminated area in a statement Tuesday.

Though the slick has continued to expand – it covered a 70-square-mile (180-square-kilometer) stretch earlier this week – state media has said no more oil was leaking into the Yellow Sea.

The cause of the explosion that started the spill was still not clear. The pipeline is owned by China National Petroleum Corp., Asia’s biggest oil and gas producer by volume.

Images of 100-foot-high (30-meter-high) flames shooting up near part of China’s strategic oil reserves late Friday drew the immediate attention of President Hu Jintao and other top leaders. Now the challenge is cleaning up the greasy brown plume.

“Our priority is to collect the spilled oil within five days to reduce the possibility of contaminating international waters,” Dalian’s vice mayor, Dai Yulin, told Xinhua on Tuesday.

But an official with the State Oceanic Administration has warned the spill will be difficult to clean up even in twice that amount of time.

The Dalian port is China’s second largest for crude oil imports, and last week’s spill appears to be the country’s largest in recent memory.

Some locals said the area’s economy was already hurting from the spill.

“Let’s wait and see how well they deal with the oil until Sept. 1, if the oil can’t be cleaned up by then, the seafood products will all be ruined,” an unnamed fisherman told Dragon TV. “No one will buy them in the market because of the smell of the oil.”

China Oil Spill PHOTOS: Official Warns Of ‘Severe Threat’

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The MasterBlog


Sub-Saharan Africa economy: Strategic rise
FROM THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT
July 13th 2010

Rising global competition for commodities is giving a new strategic importance to resource-rich Sub-Saharan Africa. China and other emerging industrialised countries are vying with the subcontinent’s former colonial powers to acquire long-term stakes in mines, oilfields and other commodity assets. With unprecedented volumes of investment on offer, the stakes are high not only for resource companies seeking to expand in Africa but also for the region itself. The challenge for African governments will be to manage their commodities better to avoid a repeat of the boom-and-bust years of the 1970s-90s.

Natural resources are hardly a new story for Sub-Saharan Africa. For decades the region has depended on exports of commoditiesóoil, hard minerals and cash cropsóto fund economic growth, though often with disappointing results. The collapse in commodity prices in the late 1970s and the mismanagement of revenue inflows resulted in weak growth and rising poverty, cementing the belief that Africa’s dependence on commodities retarded its economic development. However, soaring emerging-market demand for commodities in recent years, coupled with the increasing scarcity of hydrocarbons and hard minerals, has changed the picture. Sub-Saharan Africa has become a prime target for adventurous foreign investorsówith Chinese companies playing a particularly prominent roleówith the result that the subcontinent once again has the opportunity to benefit from its natural wealth.

Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the most commodity-rich regions of the planet. The subcontinent contains the majority of known reserves of many key minerals, including 90% of the world’s platinum-group metals, 90% of the world’s chromium, two-thirds of the world’s manganese, and 60% of its diamonds. It contains 60% of the world’s phosphates, 50% of the world’s vanadium, and 40-50% of the world’s gold. Sub-Saharan Africa also boasts one-third of the planet’s uranium reserves, one-third of its bauxite, and 10% of all oil reserves (the bulk of which are concentrated in the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa).

Most of these resources are underexploited. Uneven development has resulted in a handful of countries dominating commodity exports. The most important by far, both in terms of the diversity of its commodity base and the volume of its exports, is South Africa. The subcontinent’s other commodity giant is the Democratic Republic of Congo, which sits on over half of the world’s cobalt reserves and 25% of its diamonds, as well as having large quantities of rare metals such as coltan (used in mobile phones). Nigeria and Angola dominate oil production. However, other countries are starting to develop their commodity resources, and several are set to become major producers in the near future. They include Guinea and Angola (iron ore), Ghana (hydrocarbons), and Guinea-Bissau (bauxite and phosphates).

Sub-Saharan Africa also boasts a large agricultural sector. Much of this focused on the production of cash crops for export to the West during the colonial period and in the first years after independence. Since the late 1970s Africa has lost global importance as an exporter of many cash crops. The main exceptions have been coffee, cocoa and tea, for which CÙte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Uganda and Kenya remain key global producers, and more specialised crops like cashew nuts (Guinea-Bissau) and vanilla (Madagascar). However, increased competition from Asian and Latin American producers, coupled with a decline in Africa’s terms of trade, has eroded profitability. Africa also continues to export large quantities of timber, particularly to China, but poor forestry management is threatening the sector’s sustainability.

A scramble for access

Major emerging markets are playing a key role in the development of the region’s commodities sector. Since the early 2000s China has invested heavily in African commodities, reflecting the two-pronged strategy of China’s state-owned oil and mining companies: first, acquiring access to reserves through long-term contracts; and second, purchasing stakes in local ventures whenever possible. According to the Chinese government, by end-2008 total Chinese investment in Sub-Saharan Africa amounted to US$26bn, including stakes in oil and gas concessions in Sudan and the Gulf of Guinea, copper mines in Zambia, iron concessions in Gabon, and ferrochrome and platinum mines in South Africa.

China is not the only player around. Chinese interest is increasingly being matched by investment from Indian or Indian-linked firms, notably the steel manufacturing giants Tata Steel and ArcelorMittal, which are acquiring stakes in large coal concessions in Mozambique. Brazil is also stepping up its investment. Given the expertise of Brazilian companies in construction, engineering and the oil sector, it is likely that these firms will provide stiff competition for contracts in the next phase of Africa’s infrastructure expansion.

Competition looks set to be particularly intense in the Gulf of Guinea, which continues to grow in strategic importance thanks to the steady increase in its proven oil reserves (a result of better deep-water drilling technology). The region is already the focus of military co-operation programmes between African governments and the US, EU and China. Tensions between these powers could increase as each seeks to establish a foothold in the region. Such a situation could prove advantageous to countries in the Gulf of Guinea if they are able to play off competing powers against each other. However, past experience indicates that such competition and strategic alliances can be used to prop up unsavoury regimes. This also poses potential difficulties for foreign investors. China is learning the hard way that its resource grabs can expose it to reputational risks over human-rights and environmental abuses.

Reaping the benefits?

There are plenty of other challenges. The region exports a lot of its commodities in unprocessed form, thus missing the chance to add value to them. For example, Guinea-Bissau exports its entire cashew crop (over 90% of the country’s exports) to India for processing. The creation of low-tech processing operations could capture more of the value of the crop, as well as creating significant numbers of jobs. However, efforts to develop processing industries in Africa have proved disappointing owing to the constraints of the business environment, poor management and competition from processors in India and China.

Broader challenges include managing capital inflows better and maximising the economic benefits of foreign investments. Progress is occurring, with improved local-content provisions in mining contracts, the imposition of tighter environmental standards and greater transparency over commodity revenues. However, greater efforts are needed. African governments must ensure that infrastructure development does not just support the exploitation and export of minerals but also facilitates trade and the movement of people and goods. Local workforces must be trained in new skills and not just used for manual labour. A large proportion of oil and mineral revenues need to be held outside the countries in question in order to prevent currency appreciation that could render other industries uncompetitive.

If African governments can realise these aims, there is a good chance that the subcontinent’s natural-resource endowment could provide major benefits to the population. Otherwise, the next wave of commodity development will merely entrench poor governance and corruption and further stifle economic development.

The Economist Intelligence Unit

Source: Global Forecasting Service

© 2010 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. An Economist Group business. All rights reserved.

Sub-Saharan Africa economy: Strategic rise Sub-Saharan Africa economy: Strategic rise ViewsWire
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The MasterBlog